Criminal
Jan. 26, 2026
Was Renee Good a 'domestic terrorist?'
This piece doesn't pick sides but questions whether federal domestic terrorism statutes could plausibly apply to Renee Good--or whether DOJ could only have charged assault or attempted murder under 18 U.S.C. § 111 or § 1113.
William Slomanson
Distinguished Professor Emeritus
Thomas Jefferson School of Law
Email: bills@tjsl.edu
On Jan. 7, American citizen Renee Good was fatally shot by
an ICE officer. Senior Trump administration officials almost immediately
claimed that she was guilty of "domestic terrorism." Vice President J.D. Vance
described Good's conduct as "classic terrorism." Richard Luscombe, "Trump
administration unleashes torrent of untruths after woman shot dead by ICE |
Trump administration," The Guardian (Jan. 9, 2026. As DHS Director
Kristy Noem chimed in, Good "proceeded to weaponize her vehicle and she
attempted to run a law enforcement officer over. This appears as an attempt to
kill or to cause bodily harm to agents, an act of domestic terrorism." Rev,
Jan. 16, 2026.
Articulations regarding "domestic terrorism" did not start
with this incident. The FBI summary of the 1996 Oklahoma City bombing by a U.S.
citizen came close. It was described as "the worst act of homegrown
terrorism in the nation's history." "Oklahoma
City Bombing," FBI (undated. The post-9-11 Patriot Act mentions only
"international terrorism." "The USA
PATRIOT Act: Preserving Life and Liberty," (p. 1, fourth bullet
point).
Last September, President Trump directed the following
entities to act within their respective spheres to combat domestic terrorism:
National Joint Terrorism Task Force, U.S. Attorney General, Secretary of the
Treasury, IRS Commissioner and the Homeland Security Secretary. White House, "Countering
Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence," National Security
Presidential Memorandum/NSPM-7 (Sept. 25, 2025).
Last month, Attorney General Pam Bondi acted upon the
President's directive in rather broad terms. Thus, "domestic terrorists use
violence or the threat of violence to advance political and social agendas,
including opposition to law and immigration enforcement; extreme views in favor
of mass migration and open borders; adherence to radical gender ideology,
anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, or anti-Christianity; support for the
overthrow of the United States Government; hostility towards traditional views on
family, religion, and morality; and an elevation of violence to achieve policy
outcomes, such as political assassinations." Pam Bondi, "Bondi
Memo on Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence," p.
1 ⁋ 1. Thus, "where domestic terrorism is encountered or
suspected, law enforcement agencies shall refer such matters to the [above]
Joint Terrorism Task Forces ... for the exhaustive investigation contemplated by
NSPM-7. Id., p. 2 ⁋ 2.
One week later, Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche
accused Minnesota Governor Tim Waltz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey of
terrorism. As Blanche wrote on X: "Minnesota['s] insurrection is a direct
result of a FAILED governor and a TERRIBLE mayor encouraging violence against
law enforcement. It's disgusting. Walz and Frey‒I'm focused on stopping YOU from
your terrorism by whatever means necessary. This is not a threat. It's a
promise." Todd Blanche, X@DAGToddBlanche (Jan. 14, 2026). One can instantly
detect how readily the term terrorism is used and abused.
This op-ed does not focus on choosing sides. It instead
seeks to examine whether the relevant federal statutes portray a colorable
argument for: (a) reasoned application of the U.S. domestic terrorism statutes
to protestors such as Good; or (b) whether the DOJ could have charged her only
with assault or attempted murder under 18 U.S.C. § 111 or § 1113. Many readers
will conclude that launching either charge would have rendered Orson Wells'
novel 1984 no longer fiction.
An objective assessment begins with the precedents for
defining terrorism. The term terrorism evolved from the Reign of Terror
during the 18th century French Revolution. Modernly, the U.N. offers the most
instructive description: "[T]errorism can be broadly understood as a method of
coercion that utilizes or threatens to utilize violence in
order to spread fear and thereby attain political or ideological goals.
Contemporary terrorist violence is thus distinguished in law from 'ordinary'
violence by the classic terrorist 'triangle': A attacks B, to convince or
coerce C to change its position regarding some action or policy desired by A.
The attack spreads fear as the violence is directed, unexpectedly, against
innocent victims, which in turn puts pressure on third parties such as governments
to change their policy or position." "U.N.
Doha Declaration: Introduction to International Terrorism," (2018), p.1.
This associated international regime found its way into
U.S. law in 1992: "international terrorism means activities that ... appear to be
intended--(i) to intimidate or coerce a civilian population; (ii)
to influence the policy of a government by intimidation or coercion; or (iii) to affect the conduct of a government by mass
destruction, assassination, or kidnapping." 18 U.S. Code § 2331. Its content
undoubtedly incorporates terrorist descriptions drawn from international
treaties to which the US is a party.
Good could not possibly have been a terrorist in this
classical sense. Even if she (A) had attacked the officer who shot her (B), her
actions did not morph into an intent to cause the federal government (C) to
cease its Minneapolis operations. Her specific comment to her killer‒just
before he shot her‒was "That's
fine dude, I am not mad at you." Ted Johnson, "Networks
Air ICE Officer's Cell Phone Footage of His Shooting of Minneapolis Woman,"
Deadline News (Jan. 9, 2026).
To accurately label Good as a domestic terrorist,
the above Attorney General's Memo and the President's White House policy
directive would have to dovetail with relevant U.S. statutes. These are the
criminal Code Title 18 federal statutes A.G. Bondi relies upon in her above
memo. Page 4 thus addresses assaulting, resisting or impeding federal officers
(§ 111); obstruction during civil disorders (§ 231); conspiracy to impede or
injure officer (§ 372); attempting to kill a federal officer (§ 1114); and
potentially gilding the lily via providing material support for terrorist
activity (§ 2339 et seq.).
Were Good still alive, a domestic terrorism charging
allegation would be rooted in 18 U.S.C. § 1114. It criminalizes "[w]hoever
kills or attempts to kill any officer or employee of the United States ... while
such officer or employee is engaged in ... performance of official duties...." The
President accused Good of attempting to run over the ICE shooter with her car‒an
accusation repeated by Kristy Noem. See Mike Stunson, "Minnesota
Officials Dispute Trump and Noem's Claims that Woman Killed by ICE Tried to Run
Over Agent," Forbes (Jan. 7, 2026).
Reporters, on the other hand, countered that analyses of
video footage by multiple news outlets indicates that she
was attempting to maneuver her car away from federal agents at the time of the
shooting. Rachael Levinson-Waldman, "Labeling
Renee Good a 'Domestic Terrorist' Distorts the Law," Brennan Center for
Justice (Jan. 16, 2026). The videos, assuming their conclusiveness, would have
undermined the validity of a § 1114 allegation charging Good as a terrorist‒or
others who will no doubt be shoehorned into this more political than legal
designation.
One should, of course, not heed this writer, nor adopt the
conclusion of any other contributor‒without personally viewing the
widely available footage of the Good incident. Perhaps
the best available coverage is provided by the graphic depiction, with its
associated narrative, available in Ray Sanchez, "Whistles,
then gunfire: How the deadly ICE shooting unfolded in Minneapolis," CNN
(Jan. 10, 2026).
In conclusion, one should also not shy away from taking a
position on whether Good was a domestic terrorist. The absence of a federal
investigation (of the officer) will spawn eternal conspiracy theories about who
was the actual "terrorist." Good? The shooter? The federal government? The
videos to date indicate that the officer in question was juggling both his
phone and camera. That seems to have incapacitated his ability to reasonably
interpret any threat. Good had turned her vehicle away from him. He then
commenced his rapid-fire volley. He fired not one, but three shots. Rather than
being injured, he casually walked to and away from her vehicle, notwithstanding
the President's inaccurate bluster about Good's running over the shooter.
Any prosecution of Good, had she survived, would have to
be tethered to a relevant statute in the U.S. Criminal Code. It would have
been, at most, an assault or attempted murder charge under 18 USC § 111 or §
1113, not feigned domestic terrorism under § 1114. There is an additional
impediment to using that statute to prosecute in the name of domestic
terrorism. That term does not appear in § 1114. Also, Congress instead focused
on international terrorism. As subsection (b) of the statute provides: "There
is extraterritorial jurisdiction [for acts beyond U.S. borders] over the
conduct prohibited by this section."
Future prosecutors will presumably prefer the jury to
focus on "domestic terror," rather than just attempted murder. But in the case
of Renee Good, if there was in fact an act of terror afoot, the proverbial shoe
appears to be on the other foot. As we say in the law, res ipsa
loquitur.
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